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United States involvement in the Mexican Revolution
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See also: Mexico-United States relations
United States involvement in the Mexican Revolution
Part of the Mexican Revolution
Aftermath of Pancho Villa's attack on Columbus, New Mexico, in 1916
Date
1910 - 1919
Location
Mexico, United States
Belligerents
United States Huertistas
Villistas
Constitutionalistas
Carrancistas
Maderistas
Commanders and leaders
Woodrow Wilson
John J. Pershing
Frank Friday Fletcher Victoriano Huerta
Pancho Villa
Alvaro Obregon
Venustiano Carranza
Francisco Madero
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United States involvement
in the Mexican Revolution
Mexican Revolution
Tampico Affair
Ypiranga incident
Veracruz
Border War
1st Agua Prieta
1st Ciudad Juarez
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Ojo de Agua
2nd Nogales
Santa Isabel
Columbus
Mexican Expedition
Guerrero
Agua Caliente
Parral
Tomochic
Ojos Azules
Glenn Springs
Rubio Ranch
Castillon
Las Varas Pass
San Ygnacio
Carrizal
Zimmermann Affair
Brite Ranch
1st Pilares
Neville Ranch
2nd Pilares
Porvenir
3rd Nogales
3rd Ciudad Juárez
Ruby
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Mexican–American wars
(1845–1920)
Mexican–American War – Taos Revolt – Cortina Troubles – Las Cuevas War – San Elizario Salt War – Garza Revolution – Nogales Uprising – Mexican Revolution – Border War – Bandit War
The United States involvement in the Mexican Revolution was varied and seemingly contradictory, first supporting and then repudiating Mexican regimes during the period 1910-1920.[1] For both economic and political reasons, the U.S. government generally supported those who occupied the seats of power, whether they held that power legitimately or not. A clear exception was the French Intervention in Mexico, when the U.S. supported the beleaguered liberal government of Benito Juárez at the time of the American Civil War (1861-1865). Prior to Woodrow Wilson's inauguration on March 4, 1913, the U.S. Government focused on just warning the Mexican military that decisive action from the U.S. military would take place if lives and property of U.S. nationals living in the country were endangered.[2] President William Howard Taft sent more troops to the US-Mexico border but did not allow them to intervene in the conflict,[3][4] a move which Congress opposed.[4] Twice during the Revolution, the U.S. sent troops into Mexico.[5] la The U.S. recognized the government of Porfirio Díaz in 1878, two years after Díaz's coup d'état brought him to power. Díaz's long rule of Mexico brought close economic cooperation between the two countries, especially since Díaz imposed political order that allowed business to flourish. In 1908, however, Díaz gave an interview to a U.S. journalist, James Creelman, in which Díaz stated he would not run for re-election in 1910; the statement gave rise to politicking of potential candidates. Díaz reversed himself, ran for re-election, and jailed the leading opposition candidate, Francisco I. Madero. Mexican revolutionaries prior to the 1910 events had sought refuge on the U.S. side of the border, a pattern Madero continued. He escaped Mexico and took refuge in San Antonio, Texas and called for nullification of the 1910 elections, himself as provisional president, and revolutionary support from the Mexican people. His Plan of San Luis Potosí did spark revolutionary uprisings, particularly in Mexico's north. The U.S. stayed out of the unfolding events until March 6, 1911, when President William Howard Taft mobilized forces on the U.S.-Mexico border. "In effect this was an intervention in Mexican politics, and to Mexicans it meant the United States had condemned Díaz.[6]
Although the United States appears to have pursued an inconsistent policy toward Mexico, in fact it was the pattern for the U.S. "Every victorious faction between 1910 and 1919 enjoyed the sympathy, and in most cases the direct support of U.S. authorities in its struggle for power. In each case, the administration in Washington soon turned on its new friends with the same vehemence it had initially expressed in supporting them."[1] The U.S. turned against the regimes it helped install when they began pursuing policies counter to U.S. diplomatic and business interests.[7]
When Díaz was forced to resign in 1911 and Francisco I. Madero was elected president in October 1911, the U.S. president was a lame duck. The U.S. Ambassador to Mexico, Henry Lane Wilson was initially sympathetic to the new regime, but quickly came into conflict with it. Ambassador Wilson conspired with General Victoriano Huerta to oust Madero. The United States government under newly inaugurated president Woodrow Wilson refused to recognize Huerta's government.
Under President Wilson, the United States had sent troops to bomb and occupy Veracruz. President Wilson's government recognized the government of Venustiano Carranza in 1915, which allowed arms from the U.S. to flow to Carranza's forces. When former Carranza ally, Pancho Villa attacked the border town of Columbus, New Mexico in 1916, the U.S. Army under Gen. John J. Pershing pursued him in a punitive mission, known as the Pancho Villa Expedition. The U.S. failed in the main objective of that raid, which was to capture Villa. Carranza forced the U.S. to withdraw across the border.
A graphical timeline is available at
Timeline of the Mexican Revolution
Contents
[hide]
1 Anglo-American attitudes and U.S. diplomacy in Latin America
2 Diplomatic relations
2.1 The U.S. and the overthrow of Madero, 1912-1913
2.2 U.S. and Huerta regime 1913-14
2.3 1916–1917
2.4 1918–1919
3 Foreign mercenaries in Mexico
4 U.S. military decorations
5 See also
6 Notes
7 References
8 External links
Anglo-American attitudes and U.S. diplomacy in Latin America[edit]
Main article: Latin America–United States relations
1914 cartoon by John T. McCutcheon illustrates the United States liberated former Spanish colonies from their oppressor[8] (Chicago Tribune 1914)
U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America was to assume the region was the sphere of influence of the U.S., initially articulated in the Monroe Doctrine. In the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, President Theodore Roosevelt asserted the United States' right to intervene militarily in the region to restore order if in the U.S. view a nation could not or would not do it itself. Thus there was a long history of U.S. intervention in Latin America prior to the Mexican Revolution.
Underpinning these U.S. foreign policies was the assumption that Latin American countries and Latin Americans themselves were lesser. Many Protestant Anglo-Americans believed Catholic Latin Americans were the antithesis of all they themselves represented;[9] Latin Americans were seen to be lazy to Anglo-American industriousness, sluggish to their progress, violent to their peaceful, and genetically debased. These attitudes originated in Catholic Spain's colonial-era political rivals, the Protestant English, who articulated anti-Spanish rhetoric, collectively known as the "Black Legend".[10][11] Protestant Anglo-Americans believed Spanish Americans dangerously misguided with their "anti-Christ" Pope.[12] One political cartoon during the Mexican Revolution expressed the opinion that former Spanish colonies were only able to advance as they had, due to U.S. intervention.
Mexico's fruitless pursuit of progress, where "lots of energy [is] expended but [there is]…no discernible forward progress."[13] It suggests that until Mexico willingly forgoes violence (the pistol) and anarchy (the torch), they will remain stagnant. (San Francisco Examiner 1913)
The press in the U.S. portrayed Mexicans as innately violent and consistently missing opportunities for advancement, as seen in a 1913 San Francisco Examiner cartoon. Rather than considering the Revolution as a legitimate means of forcing change, it served merely to reinforce the perception of lawless Mexicans. Many contended it was only through dictator Porfirio Díaz that Mexico had previously been kept out of chaos.[14] Land redistribution undertaken by Mexican revolutionary Pancho Villa were condemned as "offer[ing] evidence...of the barbarity of Mexican politics,"[15] to which President Woodrow Wilson replied, "the revolution was out of control and...only U.S military intervention could stabilize [the state]."[15] Constant oversight by the U.S. is effectively depicted in a cartoon where watchful American cannon "eyes" are directed on Mexico.[16]
The United States are ever watchful over the presumed chaos in Mexico[17] (Chicago Tribune 1913)
These ideas led to the belief that the United States ought to militarily resolve the situation, reinforced by the second motivating factor of industrial interests in Mexico. Indeed, eighty percent of all investment linked to the railroads were attributed to the US, leading many to conclude, "by the dawn of the new century, the United States controlled the Mexican economy."[18] The railroads, mining and consolidated cash-crop farms were all designed to maximize American interests.[19]
US corporations were thus alarmed at the possibility of radical resource redistribution and elimination of the status quo previously maintained by Diaz, and demanded that their interests be secured. This fear was fanned with that under the Mexican Constitution of 1917, the national government would be able to regulate foreign-owned operations.[20] Many deemed that "Mexico...was the doorway to all of Latin America's riches, but only if the neighbor remained under U.S economic tutelage."[21] The U.S. government's intervention would merely be safeguarding its interests and continuing its "informal imperialism" whereby threats of military involvement and economic pressures were used to keep Mexico in line with U.S. goals.[22]
Diplomatic relations[edit]
Díaz opened Mexico to foreign investment of Britain, France, Germany, and most especially the United States, creating the conditions of "order and progress" that promoted Mexico's modernization. Mexico-United States relations during Díaz's presidency were generally strong, although he began to strengthen ties with Great Britain, Germany, and France to offset U.S. power and influence.[23] U.S. President William Howard Taft recognized the role that Díaz played in transforming Mexico, saying "Certainly no people have made greater relative progress than the Mexican people have made under the administration of Porfirio Díaz...[he] has done more for the people of Mexico than any other Latin American has done for any of his people; ...the truth is they need a firm hand in Mexico and everybody realizes it."[24] Mexico was extremely important to U.S. business interests and Taft saw Díaz as key to protecting those investments. Taft met Díaz in person on the U.S.-Mexico border in 1909, an historic event in itself since it was the first trip of a sitting U.S. president to Mexico. It was a way for the U.S. to signal its continuing support of Díaz, despite his advancing age. Taft was pragmatic, saying "we have two billions American capital in Mexico that will be greatly endangered if Díaz were to die and his government go to pieces."[25]
Despite the importance of Mexico to U.S. business interests and the long border between the two countries that could make the U.S. vulnerable to unrest in Mexico having repercussions in the U.S., the U.S. had "a history of incompetent diplomatic representation." According to one scholar, the Taft administration's appointment of Henry Lane Wilson as ambassador "continued the tradition of incompetence."[25]
During the presidency of Porfirio Díaz, documents conveyed from the U.S. Consulate in Mexico kept the Secretary of State in Washington, D.C. informed about Mexican affairs. The Secretary of State told President Taft of the buildup to possible regime change in Mexico, when Díaz was unable to control rebellions in various areas of Mexico. Initially, Taft did not want to intervene but wanted to keep the Díaz government in power to prevent problems with business relations between the two countries, such as the sales of oil between Mexico and the United States.
The U.S. and the overthrow of Madero, 1912-1913[edit]
Main article: Ten Tragic Days
U.S. Ambassador to Mexico H.L. Wilson helped to plot the February 1913 coup d'état, during the Ten Tragic Days (la decena trágica), which overthrew Francisco I. Madero. However, the Ambassador might have done this without the explicit approval of lame duck President Taft, but Ambassador Wilson had secured the support of the foreign diplomatic corps in Mexico, especially the British, German, and French envoys, for the coup and lobbied for U.S. recognition of the new head of state, General Victoriano Huerta.
U.S. and Huerta regime 1913-14[edit]
See also: Tampico Affair, Ypiranga incident, and United States occupation of Veracruz
Woodrow Wilson was inaugurated president in March 1913, but the coup d'état in Mexico was an established fact, with the democratically elected president Madero murdered and his family in exile. President Wilson recalled Ambassador Wilson to Washington and later replaced him. President Wilson was horrified at the murders of President Madero and Vice President Pino Suárez and breaking from long-standing practice to recognize de facto regimes did not recognize the Huerta as the legitimate head of the Mexican government. A series of rebellions broke out in Mexico against Huerta's regime, especially in the North (Sonora, Chihuahua, and Coahuila), and continuing fighting in Morelos under Emiliano Zapata. Unlike the brief rebellions that helped bring Madero to power in 1910-11, Mexico descended into civil war. However, the involvement of the U.S.in larger conflicts with its diplomatic and economic rivals in Mexico, particularly Great Britain and Germany, meant that foreign powers affected the way the Mexican situation played out.[23]
When U.S. agents discovered that the German merchant ship, the Ypiranga, was carrying arms to Huerta's regime, President Wilson ordered troops to the port of Veracruz to stop the ship from docking. The U.S. did not declare war on Mexico city but the U.S. troops carried out a skirmish against Huerta's forces in Veracruz. The Ypiranga managed to dock at another port, which infuriated Wilson.
On April 9, 1914, Mexican officials in the port of Tampico, Tamaulipas, arrested a group of U.S. sailors — including at least one taken from on board his ship, and thus from U.S. territory. After Mexico refused to apologize in the terms that the U.S. had demanded, the U.S. navy bombarded the port of Veracruz and occupied Veracruz for seven months. Woodrow Wilson's actual motivation was his desire to overthrow Huerta, whom he refused to recognize as Mexico's leader;[26] the Tampico Affair did succeed in further destabilizing Huerta's regime and encouraging the revolutionary opponents. The ABC Powers (Argentina, Brazil, and Chile) arbitrated, in the Niagara Falls peace conference, held in Ontario, Canada, and U.S. troops left Mexican soil, averting an escalation of the conflict to war.
1916–1917[edit]
Main articles: Border War (1910-1919) and Pancho Villa Expedition
An increasing number of border incidents early in 1916 culminated in an invasion of American territory on 8 March 1916, when Francisco (Pancho) Villa and his band of 500 to 1,000 men raided Columbus, New Mexico, burning army barracks and robbing stores. In the United States, Villa came to represent mindless violence and banditry. Elements of the 13th Cavalry regiment repulsed the attack, but 14 soldiers and ten civilians were killed. Brig. Gen. John J. Pershing immediately organized a punitive expedition of about 10,000 soldiers to try to capture Villa. They spent 11 months (March 1916 – February 1917) unsuccessfully chasing him, though they did manage to destabilize his forces. A few of Villa's top commanders were also captured or killed during the expedition.
The 7th, 10th, 11th, and 13th Cavalry regiments, 6th and U.S. 16th Infantry Regiments, part of the U.S. 6th Field Artillery, and supporting elements crossed the border into Mexico in mid-March, followed later by the 5th Cavalry, 17th and 24th Infantry Regiment (United States), and engineer and other units. Pershing was subject to orders which required him to respect the sovereignty of Mexico, and was further hindered by the fact that the Mexican government and people resented the invasion. Advance elements of the expedition penetrated as far as Parral, some 400 miles (640 km) south of the border, but Villa was never captured.
The campaign consisted primarily of dozens of doughnut skirmishes with small bands of insurgents. There were even clashes with Mexican Army units; the most serious was on 21 June 1916 at the Battle of Carrizal, where a detachment of the 10th Cavalry was nearly destroyed. War would probably have been declared but for the critical situation in Europe. Even so, virtually the entire regular army was involved, and most of the National Guard had been federalized and concentrated on the border before the end of the affair. Normal relations with Mexico were restored eventually by diplomatic negotiation, and the troops were withdrawn from Mexico in February 1917.
1918–1919[edit]
Main article: Battle of Ambos Nogales
Minor clashes with Mexican irregulars, as well as Mexican Federales, continued to disturb the U.S.-Mexican border from 1917 to 1919. Although the Zimmermann Telegram affair of January 1917 did not lead to a direct U.S. intervention, it took place against the backdrop of the Constitutional Convention and exacerbated tensions between the USA and Mexico. Military engagements took place near Buenavista, Sonora, on 1 December 1917; in San Bernardino Canyon, Chihuahua, on 26 December 1917; near La Grulla, Texas, on 9 January 1918; at Pilares, Mexico, about 28 March 1918; at the town of Nogales on the Sonora–Arizona border on 27 August 1918; and near El Paso, Texas, on 16 June 1919.
Mexican War Service campaign streamer
Foreign mercenaries in Mexico[edit]
Members of Pancho Villa's American Legion of Honor
Many adventurers, ideologues and freebooters from outside Mexico were attracted by the purported excitement and romance of the Mexican Revolution. Most mercenaries served in armies operating in the north of Mexico, partly because those areas were the closest to popular entry points to Mexico from the U.S., and partly because Pancho Villa had no compunction about hiring mercenaries. The first legion of foreign mercenaries, during the 1910 Madero revolt, was the Falange de los Extranjeros (Foreign Phalanx), which included Giuseppe ("Peppino") Garibaldi, grandson of the famed Italian unifier, as well as many American recruits.
Later, during the revolt against the coup d'état of Victoriano Huerta, many of the same foreigners and others were recruited and enlisted by Pancho Villa and his División del Norte. Villa recruited Americans, Canadians and other foreigners of all ranks from simple infantrymen on up, but the most highly prized and best paid were machine gun experts such as Sam Dreben, artillery experts such as Ivor Thord-Gray, and doctors for Villa's celebrated Servicio sanitario medic and mobile hospital corps. There is little doubt that Villa's Mexican equivalent of the French Foreign Legion (known as the "Legion of Honor") was an important factor in Villa's successes against Huerta's Federal Army.
U.S. military decorations[edit]
Mexican Service Medal
The U.S. military awarded the Mexican Service Medal to its troops for service in Mexico. The streamer is yellow with a blue center stripe and a narrow green stripe on each edge. The green and yellow recalls the Aztec standard carried at the Battle of Otumba in 1520, which carried a gold sun surrounded by the green plumes of the quetzal. The blue color alludes to the United States Army and refers to the Rio Grande separating Mexico from the United States.[citation needed]
See also[edit]
Mexican Revolution
Mexico-United States relations
Notes[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b Friedrich Katz, The Secret War in Mexico: Europe, the United States, and the Mexican Revolution. Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1981, p. 563.
Jump up ^ http://www.angelfire.com/rebellion2/projectmexico/2.html
Jump up ^ http://www.presidentprofiles.com/Grant-Eisenhower/William-Howard-Taft-Foreign-affairs.html
^ Jump up to: a b http://millercenter.org/president/taft/essays/biography/5
Jump up ^ http://boardgamegeek.com/boardgame/37266/so-far-from-god-the-mexican-revolution-1913-1920
Jump up ^ John Womack, Jr. "The Mexican Revolution" in Mexico Since Independence, ed. Leslie Bethell. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1991, p. 131.
Jump up ^ Katz, Secret War in Mexico, p. 564.
Jump up ^ Anderson, Mark. C. "What's to Be Done With 'Em? Images of Mexican Cultural Backwardness, Racial Limitations and Moral Decrepitude in the United States Press 1913-1915", Mexican Studies, Winter Vol. 14, No. 1 (1998):30.
Jump up ^ Anderson, Mark. C. "What's to Be Done With 'Em? Images of Mexican Cultural Backwardness, Racial Limitations and Moral Decrepitude in the United States Press 1913-1915", Mexican Studies, Winter Vol. 14, No. 1 (1997):28.
Jump up ^ Rayund A. Paredes, "The Origins of Anti-Mexican Sentiment in the United States", New Scholar Vol. 6 (1977):139, 158
Jump up ^ Anderson, Mark. C. "What's to Be Done With 'Em? Images of Mexican Cultural Backwardness, Racial Limitations and Moral Decrepitude in the United States Press 1913-1915", Mexican Studies, Winter Vol. 14, No. 1 (1997): 27-28, also known as the Leyenda Negra.
Jump up ^ Rayund A. Paredes, "The Origins of Anti-Mexican Sentiment in the United States", New Scholar Vol. 6 (1977):140.
Jump up ^ Anderson, Mark. C. "What's to Be Done With 'Em? Images of Mexican Cultural Backwardness, Racial Limitations and Moral Decrepitude in the United States Press 1913-1915", Mexican Studies, Winter Vol. 14, No. 1 (1998):30-31.
Jump up ^ John A. Britton, "A Search for Meaning" in Revolution and Ideology: Images of the Mexican Revolution in the United States. Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky (1995):29.
^ Jump up to: a b Britton, John. A. "Revolution in Context" in Revolution and Ideology: Images of the Mexican Revolution in the United States. Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky (1995):5.
Jump up ^ Anderson, Mark. C. "What's to Be Done With 'Em? Images of Mexican Cultural Backwardness, Racial Limitations and Moral Decrepitude in the United States Press 1913-1915", Mexican Studies, Winter Vol. 14, No. 1 (1997):40.
Jump up ^ Anderson, Mark. C. "What's to Be Done With 'Em? Images of Mexican Cultural Backwardness, Racial Limitations and Moral Decrepitude in the United States Press 1913-1915", Mexican Studies, Winter Vol. 14, No. 1 (1998):40-41.
Jump up ^ Gonzalez, Gilbert G. and Raul A. Fernandez. "Empire and the Origins of Twentieth Century Migration from Mexico to the United States" in A Century of Chicano History, New York, Routledge (2003):37.
Jump up ^ Gonzalez, Gilbert G. and Raul A. Fernandez. "Empire and the Origins of Twentieth Century Migration from Mexico to the United States" in A Century of Chicano History, New York, Routledge (2003):31.
Jump up ^ Britton, John. A. "Revolution in Context" in Revolution and Ideology: Images of the Mexican Revolution in the United States. Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky (1995):6.
Jump up ^ Gonzalez, Gilbert G. and Raul A. Fernandez. "Empire and the Origins of Twentieth Century Migration from Mexico to the United States" in A Century of Chicano History, New York, Routledge (2003):35, emphasis mine.
Jump up ^ Britton, John. A. "Revolution in Context" in Revolution and Ideology: Images of the Mexican Revolution in the United States. Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky (1995):8.
^ Jump up to: a b Katz, The Secret War in Mexico.
Jump up ^ quoted in Lars Schoultz, Beneath the United States: A History of U.S. Policy Toward Latin America. Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1998, pp. 237-38.
^ Jump up to: a b Schoultz, Beneath the United States, p. 238.
Jump up ^ http://militaryhistory.about.com/od/battleswars1900s/p/veracruz.htm
References[edit]
Anderson, Mark. C. “What’s to Be Done With ‘Em? Images of Mexican Cultural Backwardness, Racial Limitations and Moral Decrepitude in the United States Press 1913-1915”, Mexican Studies, Winter Vol. 14, No. 1 (1998): 23-70.
Britton, John. A. “A Search for Meaning” in Revolution and Ideology: Images of the Mexican Revolution in the United States. Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky (1995): 25-49.
Britton, John. A. “Revolution in Context” in Revolution and Ideology: Images of the Mexican Revolution in the United States. Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky (1995): 5-23.
Gonzalez, Gilbert G. and Raul A. Fernandez. “Empire and the Origins of Twentieth Century Migration from Mexico to the United States” in A Century of Chicano History, New York, Routledge (2003): 29-65.
Paredes, Rayund A. “ The Origins of Anti-Mexican Sentiment in the United States”, New Scholar Vol. 6 (1977) : 139-167.
External links[edit]
Soldiers of Fortune in the Mexican Revolution
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Break key
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
"Pause button" redirects here. For the media control, see Media controls. For other uses, see Pause.
Break/Pause key on PC keyboard
The Break key of a computer keyboard refers to breaking a telegraph circuit and originated with 19th century practice. In modern usage, the key has no well-defined purpose, but while this is the case, it can be used by software for miscellaneous tasks, such as to switch between multiple login sessions, to terminate a program, or to interrupt a modem connection.
Because the break function is usually combined with the pause function on one key since the introduction of the IBM Model M 101-key keyboard in 1985, the Break key is also called the Pause key. It can be used to pause some computer games.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Sinclair
3 BBC Micro
4 Modern keyboards
5 Keyboards without Break key
6 Usage for breaking the program's execution
7 References
8 See also
History[edit]
A standard telegraph circuit connects all the keys, sounders and batteries in a single series loop. Thus the sounders actuate only when both keys are down (closed, also known as "marking" — after the ink marks made on paper tape by early printing telegraphs). So the receiving operator has to hold their key down or close a built-in shorting switch in order to let the other operator send. As a consequence, the receiving operator could interrupt the sending operator by opening their key, breaking the circuit and forcing it into a "spacing" condition. Both sounders stop responding to the sender's keying, alerting the sender. (A physical break in the telegraph line would have the same effect.)
The teleprinter operated in a very similar fashion except that the sending station kept the loop closed (logic 1, or "marking") even during short pauses between characters. Holding down a special "break" key opened the loop, forcing it into a continuous logic 0, or "spacing", condition. When this occurred, the teleprinter mechanisms continually actuated without printing anything, as the all-0s character is the non-printing NUL in both Baudot and ASCII. The resulting noise got the sending operator's attention.
This practice carried over to teleprinter use on time-sharing computers. A continuous spacing (logical 0) condition violates the rule that every valid character has to end with one or more logic 1 (marking) "stop" bits. The computer (specifically the UART) recognized this as a special "break" condition and generated an interrupt that typically stopped a running program or forced the operating system to prompt for a login. Although asynchronous serial telegraphy is now rare, the Break key once used with terminal emulators can still be used by software for similar purposes.
Sinclair[edit]
On the Sinclair ZX80 and ZX81 computers, the Break is accessed by pressing Space. On the Sinclair ZX Spectrum it is accessed by Caps Shift+Space. The Spectrum+ and later computers have a dedicated Break key. It does not trigger an interrupt but will halt any running BASIC program, or terminate the loading or saving of data to cassette tape. An interrupted BASIC program can usually be resumed with the CONTINUE command. The Sinclair QL computer, without a Break key, maps the function to Ctrl+Space.
BBC Micro[edit]
On a BBC Micro computer, the Break key generates a hardware reset which would normally cause a warm restart of the computer. A cold restart is triggered by pressing Ctrl+Break. If a filing system is installed, ⇧ Shift+Break will cause the computer to search for and load or run a file called !Boot on the filing system's default device (e.g. floppy disk 0, network user BOOT). The latter two behaviours were inherited by the successor to Acorn MOS, RISC OS. These behaviours could be changed or exchanged in software, and were often used in rudimentary anti-piracy techniques.
Modern keyboards[edit]
On many modern PCs, Pause interrupts screen output by BIOS until another key is pressed. This is effective during boot in text mode and in a DOS box in Windows safe mode with 50 lines. On early keyboards without a Pause key (before the introduction of 101/102-key keyboards) the Pause function was assigned to Ctrl+NumLock, and the Break function to Ctrl+ScrLock; these key-combinations still work with most programs, even on modern PCs with modern keyboards. Pressing the dedicated Pause key on 101/102-key keyboards sends the same scancodes as pressing Ctrl, then NumLock, then releasing them in the reverse order would do; additionally, an E1hex prefix is sent, which enables 101/102-key-aware software to discern the two situations, while older software usually just ignores the prefix. The Pause key is different from all other keys in that it sends no scancodes at all on release; therefore it is not possible for any software to determine whether this key is being held down.[1]
On modern keyboards, the Break key is usually labeled Pause with Break below, sometimes separated by a line, or Pause on the top of the keycap and Break on the front. In most Windows environments, the key combination ⊞ Win+Pause brings up the system properties.
Keyboards without Break key[edit]
Compact and notebook keyboards often do not have a dedicated Pause/Break key.
These may use the following substitutes for Break:
Ctrl+Fn+F11 or Fn+B or Fn+Ctrl+B on certain Lenovo laptops[2][3][4] and certain Dell laptops.[5]
Fn+Esc on Samsung.
Ctrl+Fn+⇧ Shift on certain HP laptops.
Substitutes for Pause:
Fn+P or Fn+Ctrl+P or Fn+Alt+P (on certain Lenovo laptops).[4]
Fn+⇧ Shift on certain HP laptops.
Apple keyboards do not have the Pause/Break key,[6] as Mac OS X does not use it[original research?]. The key may be substituted by Fn+Esc [7]
For Dell laptops without a Break key press the ALT+Space bar and select "Interrupt".
Usage for breaking the program's execution[edit]
While both Ctrl+Break and Ctrl+C combination are commonly implemented as a way of breaking the execution of a console application, they are also used for similar effect in integrated development environments.[8][9] Although these two are often considered interchangeable,[10] compilers and execution environments usually assign different signals to these.[11] Additionally, in some kernels (e.g. miscellaneous DOS variants) Ctrl+C is detected only at the time OS tries reading from a keyboard buffer and only if it's the only key sequence in the buffer,[12][13] while Ctrl+Break is often translated instantly (e.g. by INT 1Bh under DOS). Because of this, Ctrl+Break is usually a more effective choice under these operating systems; sensitivity for these two combinations can be enhanced by the BREAK=ON CONFIG.SYS statement.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Keyboard 101- and 102-Key". PS/2 Hardware Interface Technical Reference (PDF). IBM. October 1990. p. 19. Except for the Pause key, all keys are make/break.
Jump up ^ https://support.lenovo.com/us/en/documents/ht074004
Jump up ^ http://forum.thinkpads.com/viewtopic.php?f=60&t=98708
^ Jump up to: a b http://forum.thinkpads.com/viewtopic.php?t=105807
Jump up ^ "Dell Inspiron 17 specification" (PDF).
Jump up ^ Computer Hope, Pause key http://www.computerhope.com/jargon/p/pausekey.htm
Jump up ^ Use your Apple Keyboard in Windows Bootcamp https://support.apple.com/en-us/HT202676
Jump up ^ "CTRL+C (Break)". Msdn.microsoft.com. 2010-03-30. Retrieved 2010-10-22.
Jump up ^ "Debug Break". Msdn.microsoft.com. 2010-03-30. Retrieved 2010-10-22.
Jump up ^ "Ctrl-Break definition of Ctrl-Break in the Free Online Encyclopedia". Encyclopedia2.thefreedictionary.com. Retrieved 2010-10-22.
Jump up ^ https://www.gnu.org/software/emacs/windows/ntemacs/discuss/subproc-ctrl-c Archived October 22, 2012, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ "Vim documentation: vim online". Vim.org. Retrieved 2010-10-22.
Jump up ^ "ClipX — DOS 5.0 Ref. - int 23h ctrl-c handler". Ousob.com. Retrieved 2010-10-22.
See also[edit]
System request
Scroll lock
Num lock
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v
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Dead keys
Compose
Modifier keys
Control
Shift
Alt / Option (Apple)
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Editing
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Print screen
System request
Break/Pause
Misc.
Power management keys (Power, Sleep, Wake)
Any key
Macro key
Concepts
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text:
I Can Only Imagine (film)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
I Can Only Imagine
Theatrical release poster
Directed by
Erwin Brothers
Produced by
Cindy Bond
Kevin Downes
Daryl Lefever
Mickey Liddell
Pete Shilaimon
Raymond Harris
Joe Knopp
Screenplay by
Jon Erwin
Brent McCorkle
Story by
Alex Cramer
Jon Erwin
Brent McCorkle
Based on
The life story of
Bart Millard
Starring
J. Michael Finley
Madeline Carroll
Trace Adkins
Priscilla Shirer
Cloris Leachman
Dennis Quaid
Music by
Brent McCorkle
Cinematography
Kristopher Kimlin
Edited by
Andrew Erwin
Brent McCorkle
Production
companies
Kevin Downes Productions
Mission Pictures International
Distributed by
Lionsgate
Roadside Attractions[1]
Release date
March 16, 2018 (2018-03-16)
Running time
110 minutes
Country
United States
Language
English
Budget
$7 million[2]
Box office
$83.9 million[2]
I Can Only Imagine is a 2018 American Christian drama film directed by the Erwin Brothers and written by Alex Cramer, Jon Erwin, and Brent McCorkle, based on the story behind the MercyMe song of the same name, the best-selling Christian single of all time.[3] The film stars J. Michael Finley as Bart Millard, the lead singer who wrote the song about his relationship with his father (Dennis Quaid). Madeline Carroll, Priscilla Shirer, Cloris Leachman, and Trace Adkins also star.
I Can Only Imagine was released in the United States on March 16, 2018. It has grossed $83 million worldwide against a production budget of $7 million, and is the third highest-grossing music biopic of all-time in the United States. Some critics praised it as inspiring and noted it as an improvement compared to other faith-based films, while others called it flat and by-the-numbers.
Contents
[hide]
1 Plot
2 Cast
3 Production
4 Reception
4.1 Box office
4.2 Critical response
5 References
6 External links
Plot[edit]
Coming from a home with an abusive father, 10-year-old Bart Millard is dropped off at a Christian camp by his mother, where he meets Shannon. Upon his return from camp, Bart finds his mother has left and movers are removing her belongings, leading to a physical confrontation with his father Arthur, who takes custody of him.
Years later, Millard is in Lakeside high school and dating Shannon. Hoping to impress his father, he begins playing football. However, he is injured, breaking both ankles and ending his career. In order to make up the credits he would miss from football, he signs up for music class, the only available class left. Initially, Millard is assigned to be a sound technician. After the director catches him singing in the empty auditorium of Lakeside high school, she casts him as Curly, the lead role in the school production of Oklahoma. He doesn't tell his father of his role in the play, and while Bart has risen to the singing demands of the part, Arthur subsequently collapses with severe abdominal pain, but refuses to tell Bart or Shannon about his cancer diagnosis. The following morning, Millard voices his frustrations with his father and is assaulted by his father, who smashes a plate over his head. Shannon presses Bart to open up, but he responds by breaking up with her and leaving to seek his fortune in the city after graduation.
Millard then connects with the band who would become MercyMe, and eventually attracts the attention of Christian music producer Scott Brickell (Trace Adkins), who coaches Millard and gets them a showcase in Nashville, leading to meetings with Amy Grant (Nicole DuPort) and Michael W. Smith (Jake B. Miller). Millard has been unable to reconcile with Shannon, who rejects his invitation to tour with the band to their upcoming Nashville showcase. While the band felt their performance was the best of their career, industry representatives reject the band as not being good enough to sell records. In despair, Millard quits the band. After talking with Brickell, who encourages him to resolve his issues with his father, Millard rejoins the band but asks they wait for him to confront his father and settle the conflict before they play again.
Millard returns home and is greeted enthusiastically by his father, who prepares breakfast for him the next morning. His father claims to have become a Christian, but Bart is initially skeptical and rejects his father's offer to start over. In anger, Arthur takes a baseball bat and hits his old Jeep, which he had hoped to repair with his son. As Bart prepares to leave, he finds out his father has terminal cancer. Bart and his father reconcile and form a deep bond before Arthur dies of his illness.
After his father's funeral, Millard rejoins the band and writes "I Can Only Imagine". Brickell sends the demo tape to several artists, including Grant, who, deeply moved by the song, asks to record it herself as her next single. The band accepts Grant's offer. Millard is seated in the audience when Grant intends to unveil the song live in concert. However, Grant decides that Millard should be the one to sing the song, and offers it back to him, calling him to the microphone to sing it before the large audience. Millard's unexpected performance is wildly applauded and he reunites with Shannon, who had also been in attendance at the concert. The band releases the song as their first single, achieving success on Christian and mainstream radio.
Cast[edit]
This list is incomplete; you can help by expanding it.
J. Michael Finley as Bart Millard
Brody Rose as Young Bart
Dennis Quaid as Arthur Millard, Bart's father
Cloris Leachman as Meemaw, Bart's grandmother
Madeline Carroll as Shannon, Bart's girlfriend
Taegen Burns as Young Shannon
Trace Adkins as Scott Brickell, MercyMe's manager
Priscilla Shirer as Mrs. Fincher, Bart's teacher
Nicole DuPort as Amy Grant
Jake B. Miller as Michael W. Smith
Mark Furze as Nathan
Production[edit]
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (March 2018)
The film was announced in December 2016.[4] Dennis Quaid joined the cast in January 2017.[5] Broadway actor J. Michael Finley makes his film debut as Bart Millard.[1] The same month, it was announced that the film was slated for release in the spring of 2018.[5] In August 2017, Lionsgate and Roadside Attractions signed on as distributors for the film for a nationwide release in the United States.[1][6]
Reception[edit]
Box office[edit]
As of May 13, 2018[update], I Can Only Imagine has grossed $82.4 million in the United States, and Canada and $1.1 million in other territories, for a worldwide total of $83.5 million, against a production budget of $7 million.[2] It is the third-highest grossing music biopic of all-time in the United States, behind Straight Outta Compton and Walk the Line.[7]
The film was released on March 16, 2018, alongside Tomb Raider and Love, Simon, and was originally projected to gross $2–4 million from 1,620 theaters in its opening weekend.[8] However, after making $6.2 million on its first day (including $1.3 million from Thursday night previews), weekend estimates were increased to $14 million.[9] It ended up grossing $17.1 million, exceeding expectations and finishing third at the box office behind Black Panther and Tomb Raider. 67% of the opening weekend audience was female while 80% was over the age of 35.[10] It was the fourth best-ever opening for a faith-based film, following The Passion of the Christ ($83.8 million), Son of God ($25.6 million) and Heaven Is for Real ($22.5 million).[11] In its second weekend the film was added to 624 additional theaters and dropped just 19% to $13.8 million, again finishing third.[12] It was added to another 395 venues and finished fourth in its third weekend, making $10.4 million (including $3 million on Easter Sunday).[13] The film will be released on DVD, Blu-ray and available at iTunes Store and Google Play Store, June 5, 2018.
Critical response[edit]
On review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes, the film holds an approval rating of 70% based on 23 reviews, and an average rating of 6/10. The site's critical consensus reads, "I Can Only Imagine's message will have the most impact among Christian audiences, but overall, its performances and storytelling represent a notable evolution in faith-based cinema."[14] On Metacritic, the film has a weighted average score of 29 out of 100, based on 7 critics, indicating "generally unfavorable reviews".[15] Audiences polled by CinemaScore gave the film an average grade of "A+" on an A+ to F scale, one of fewer than 80 films in the history of the service to earn such a score.[9]
The Arizona Republic's James Ward gave the film 4/5 stars and wrote, "Too often faith-based films — say anything with Kirk Cameron or the terrible God's Not Dead series — tend to preach to the choir or hector their audience. The Erwins’ films — I Can Only Imagine definitely among them — are more inclusive, charitable of spirit and hopeful, all qualities that are always appreciated, be they rooted in Christian faith or otherwise."[16] David Ehrlich of IndieWire gave the film a "C–" saying: "There’s a reason why all of these movies are so amateurishly made; why they all end with links to religious websites; why they all look like they were shot on an iPhone by a Walmart-brand Janusz Kaminski who lit each interior like the white light of heaven was streaming through every window...Art can be affirmation, but affirmation cannot be art."[17]
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c Anita, Busch (August 14, 2017). "Faith-Based 'I Can Only Imagine' Picked Up By Lionsgate & Roadside Attractions". Deadline Hollywood. Penske Business Media. Retrieved March 19, 2018.
^ Jump up to: a b c "I Can Only Imagine (2018)". The Numbers. Nash Information Services, LLC. Retrieved May 20, 2018.
Jump up ^ Ryan, Patrick (March 13, 2018). "How did 'I Can Only Imagine' become the biggest Christian hit ever (and inspire a movie)?". USA Today. Retrieved April 18, 2018.
Jump up ^ Staff Reports (December 2, 2016). "MercyMe hit song turning into Okie production". NewsOK. Retrieved March 19, 2018.
^ Jump up to: a b Busch, Anita (January 5, 2017). "Faith-Based Film 'I Can Only Imagine' With Dennis Quaid, Cloris Leachman And Trace Adkins Eyes Spring 2018 Release". Deadline Hollywood. Penske Business Media. Retrieved March 19, 2018.
Jump up ^ Galuppo, Mia (August 14, 2017). "Lionsgate, Roadside Acquire Faith-Based Drama 'I Can Only Imagine'". The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved March 19, 2018.
Jump up ^ "Biopic - Music Movies at the Box Office". Box Office Mojo. Retrieved April 20, 2018.
Jump up ^ Fuster, Jeremy (March 13, 2018). "Will 'Tomb Raider' Be the Movie to Finally Knock 'Black Panther' From Box Office Perch?". TheWrap. Retrieved March 19, 2018.
^ Jump up to: a b D'Alessandro, Anthony (March 16, 2018). "'Black Panther' Poised For $460M+ In Profit; 'I Can Only Imagine' Surprises – Box Office Update". Deadline Hollywood. Penske Business Media. Retrieved March 17, 2018.
Jump up ^ D'Alessandro, Anthony (March 18, 2018). "'Black Panther' Keeps B.O. Treasure From 'Tomb Raider'; How 'I Can Only Imagine' Hit A $17M High Note". Deadline Hollywood. Penske Business Media. Retrieved March 18, 2018.
Jump up ^ "Box Office: 'I Can Only Imagine' Revives Faith-Based Genre". The Hollywood Reporter. March 20, 2018. Retrieved March 20, 2018.
Jump up ^ D'Alessandro, Anthony (March 25, 2018). "Does 'Pacific Rim: Uprising' Break Even At The Global B.O.?; 'Black Panther' Sets Marvel Record – Sunday Postmortem". Deadline Hollywood. Retrieved March 25, 2018.
Jump up ^ D'Alessandro, Anthony (April 1, 2018). "How Warner Bros. Sold 'Ready Player One' On The Spielberg Spirit & Beat Tracking With $53M+ 4-Day – Sunday Postmortem". Deadline Hollywood. Retrieved April 4, 2018.
Jump up ^ "I Can Only Imagine (2018)". Rotten Tomatoes. Fandango. Retrieved March 29, 2018.
Jump up ^ "I Can Only Imagine Reviews". Metacritic. CBS Interactive. Retrieved March 22, 2018.
Jump up ^ Ward, James (March 15, 2018). "Faith-based drama 'I Can Only Imagine' doesn't just preach to the choir". The Arizona Republic. Retrieved March 22, 2018.
Jump up ^ Ehrlich, David (March 21, 2018). "'I Can Only Imagine' Review: A Christian Rock Biopic Shows Why Faith-Based Films Struggle to Convert Secular Audiences". IndieWire. Retrieved March 22, 2018.
External links[edit]
Official website
I Can Only Imagine on IMDb
I Can Only Imagine at the TCM Movie Database
I Can Only Imagine at AllMovie
I Can Only Imagine at Box Office Mojo
I Can Only Imagine at History vs. Hollywood
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